Kymlicka, Contemporary Political Philodophy, Ch.1

Kymlicka, Contemporary Political Philosophy, Oxford University Press, 2002.

I. Introduction

  1. The problem of the traditional picture of political landscape

“Our traditional picture of the political landscape views political principles as falling somewhere on a single line, stretching from left to right. According to this traditional picture, people on the left believe in equality, and hence endorse some form of socialism, while those on the right believe in freedom, and hence endorse some form of free-market capitalism.” (1)

“But it is increasingly inadequate. First, it ignores a number of important issues.” (2) Regarding the case of feminism, the traditional picture leaves no room for discussing justice in the traditionally female spheres of home and family. As for communitarianism, theories on the single left-right line evaluate political institutions against their ahistorical standards, which communitarians find wrong since they believe political judgement is a matter of interpreting traditions and practices.

Secondly, the project of developing a single comprehensive theory of justice cannot succeed under the assumption built into the traditional picture, namely that different theories have different foundational values. The picture suggests the left believes in equality and the right in freedom. Each of the new theories is also assumed to appeal to a different ultimate value. And there is no way to argue for one ultimate value over another, hence no hope to rationally resolve the disagreements among those.

In this book Kymlicka wants to explore Dworkin’s suggestion that every plausible political theory has the same ultimate value, which is equality in its broad sense — the idea of treating people as equals. The seemingly conflicting differences are the result of various interpretations of the preconditions for equality, be it income, wealth, opportunities, or liberties.

This egalitarian interpretation of political theories is potentially better able to accommodate both the diversity and unity of contemporary political philosophy. If each theory is attempting to define the social, economic, and political conditions under which the members of the community are treated as equals, then we might be able to show that one of the theories does a better job living up to the standard that they all recognize. And that means people would be arguing on the same wavelength, so to speak, even those who do not fit on the traditional left-right continuum.

  1. Notes on methodological assumptions

Kymlicka notes his several methodological assumptions. One of them is that there is a fundamental continuity between moral and political philosophy, in at least two respects. First, moral philosophy sets the background for, and boundaries of, political philosophy. "We have moral obligations towards each other, some of which are matters of public responsibility, enforced through public institutions, others of which are matters of personal responsibility, involving rules of personal conduct. Political philosophy focuses on those obligations which justify the use of public institutions." (5) Secondly, any account of our public responsibilities must fit into a broader moral framework that makes room for, and makes sense of, our private responsibilities, and vice versa.

In addition, he thinks the ultimate test of a political theory is that it cohere with, and help illuminate, our considered convictions of justice. "In saying this, I am drawing on what I take to be the everyday view of moral and political argument; that is, we all have moral beliefs, these beliefs can be right or wrong, we have reasons for thinking they are either right or wrong, and these reasons and beliefs can be organized into systematic moral principles and theories of justice." (6)

4개의 좋아요

킴리카가 굉장히 강한 주장을 하는 것 같네요. 서로 다른 정치 이론들이 서로 다른 근본적 가치를 가지고 있는 것이 아니라, 사실 '넓은 의미에서의 평등'이라는 궁극적 가치를 지향한다는 주장이 말이에요. 이 주장이 오늘날 정치철학에서는 일반적으로 받아들여지거나 힘을 얻는 주장인가요? 개인적으로는, (a) 서로 다른 궁극적 가치에 근거한 서로 다른 정치 이론들이 양립하는 상태가 왜 반드시 부정적인 것으로 평가되어야 하는지, (b) 서로 다른 이론들의 아래에 있는 궁극적 가치를 왜 굳이 '평등'이라고 보아야 하는지 요약문만으로는 알기 어려워서요.

1개의 좋아요

제가 이 책으로 처음 정치철학을 공부해보는거라 이 분야의 일반적 입장이나 주요 논쟁 지형을 잘 알지는 못합니다만 책에서 읽은 내용에 한해서 답변해보겠습니다.

  1. 저자에 따르면 서로 다른 이론이 서로 다른 궁극적 가치를 지향한다는 가정은 여러 정치철학자들에게 "largely unquestioned"인 채로 남아있다고 합니다. 더불어 하나의 포괄적인 이론을 수립할 수 없이 여러 경합하는 이론을 적절히 섞어내는 것만이 현대 정의 이론의 운명이라고 많은 주석가들이 믿는다고 합니다. 이런 점에서 킴리카의 입장이 현대 정치철학에서 일반적으로 받아들여지는 것 같지는 않습니다. 물론 글이 쓰여진 2002년 기준으로 말입니다.
  2. 킴리카가 드워킨의 제안을 채택하는 것은 '하나의 포괄적인 정의 이론'을 수립하려는 동기와 서로 다른 이론을 합리적으로 타협하려는 동기에서 비롯됩니다. 조금더 구체적으로 재구성해보자면 다음과 같습니다.
  1. The traditional picture suggests that different theories have different foundational values.
  2. If defenders of competing theories disagrees over fundamental values, their differences are not rationally resolvable. (문제점1)
  3. In addition, if there are so many ultimate values then an adequate political theory cannot be based on just one of them. After all, we cannot give importance to one ultimate value over another.
  4. A successful theory of justice, therefore, will have to accept bits and pieces from most of the existing theories.
  5. But this makes impossible the project of developing a single comprehensive theory of justice which can provide comprehensive rules for deciding between conflicting political values, for we have no deeper value in terms of which they are judged. (문제점2)
  6. But once we endorse the idea that every plausible theory of justice has equality as its ultimate value, we might be able to show which theory does a better job for the idea of equality, the ultimate value of all plausible theories. (문제점2의 해결)
  7. This also makes rationally resolvable the disagreements among defenders of particular theories. (문제점1의 해결)

물론 킴리카가 드워킨의 주장을 받아들여야만 한다고 말하는 것은 아니고, 단지 발전시켜 보려는 suggestion으로 이해합니다. 그래서 이후 챕터에서 각각의 정치이론이 갖는 궁극적 가치를 equality 뿐만 아니라 다른 방식으로도 해석해보고, 가장 정합적이고 매력적인 해석이 무엇인지도 확인해보겠다고 합니다.

  1. 왜 하필 equality를 모든 이론의 궁극적 가치로 설정하는지는 여기서 논하고 있지 않습니다.
1개의 좋아요